Name of Research Project: Survival
Means of Economically Displaced and Unemployed
Former
Railroad Dwellers of Metro Manila, Philippines
Following
the Urban Decongestion Efforts of the
Government
Name of the Research Project
Leader: CRUZ, FRANCISCO RELEVO
(M2)
Affiliation: Human Security and Communication
(Keio-SFC)
THE PROBLEM AND ITS
BACKGROUND
INTRODUCTION
Urban decongestion efforts by the government or State often lead to the
human insecurity of informal settlers affected by its action, rendering this
group of people unemployed, lacking in livelihood and economic opportunities and
pushing them and their families further to hardship and poverty. This exactly was what the majority of
the informal settlers of Metro Manila experienced following their relocation to
Cabuyao, Laguna. Prior to their
resettlement, these people have lived in some of the more impoverished rural
municipalities and communities of the country and have migrated to urban Metro
Manila, mostly for economic reasons.
Migration, which is defined as a permanent or semi-permanent change of
residence, usually across some type of administrative boundary,[1]
is both a reality and concern that nation-states experience and grapple with
within or outside their borders. The International Organization for Migration
(IOM) has placed the number of migrants worldwide at 200 million,[2]
with the average annual net number of migrants moving to the more developed
regions estimated at 2.5 million people between 2005 and 2010.[3] In East and Southeast Asia alone, where
the Philippines belongs, the number of migrants is estimated from 5.7 to 6.5
million and 4.7 million to 5.6 million, respectively.[4]
Migration may be external, or from one State to another, or internal, when the
movement is from a different region or community but still within the borders of
the country where the migrants belong, and is prompted by a host of factors
which may be political, socioeconomic and ecological in nature.[5]
People migrate motivated by their own description or perception of their
living condition vis-à-vis what is or should be better for them, their long-held
belief that living conditions are superior for residents of cities as opposed to
persons living in towns, villages, or rural areas,[6]
and their own response to urban-regional differences in expected income rather
than actual earning.[7]
This situation has led to millions of people and their families to pack up their
bags, leave behind their communities and residences and try out their luck in
urban areas which they believe to be far more developed and progressive compared
to their original communities; where government is more responsive and is more
effective and efficient in basic services delivery, and where employment and
livelihood opportunities abound. Gilbert and Gugler (1992) said these are the
very people who first experienced relative deprivation, recognized their own
poverty, and saw a few in their midst rise to levels of affluence undreamt of in
the past[8]
following their migration.
While Massey (1990) contends that migration reduces geographic
disparities in wages and employment over time,[9]
it cannot be denied the exodus of people from rural to urban areas puts enormous
strain on the greceivingh or host local governments as the latter need to both
step up the delivery of essential public services and engage in additional
development programs and projects to meet the needs of a suddenly bigger
constituency. This includes the construction and maintenance of facilities and
infrastructures such as markets, schools, hospitals, health facilities and
roads; and the mobilization of additional health, peace and order, and education
personnel among others to ensure their readiness to respond to the needs of and
deliver the services to these people.
This sudden surge in the population provides a stiff challenge to
government executives as it is accompanied by various problems or concerns,
among them marked housing shortages, increased number of squatters, unemployment
and underemployment, widespread poverty, persistent disease hazards, traffic
congestion and environmental pollution.[10]
Indeed, for officials of urban
areas and cities, which have been viewed as engines of growth and sites of
creative innovations and having the potential for economic growth,[11]
the emergence of informal settlers is one challenge they have to contend with as
an offshoot of urban migration. These people live in squatter settlements
usually found in private or governmental land along roads, railroads and
riverbanks, on undeveloped land or wasteland at the periphery of the city, and
on vacant land in the city. For
Abrams (1981), these people and their settlements are major elements in the
physical fabric of Third World cities and a vivid reminder of the glaring
contrasts that exist between the living conditions of the rich and the poor,[12]
and their presence, along with the problems associated with or are related to
them, pushed the State to pursue activities aimed to promote, manage and sustain
development. Urban decongestion is, thus, carried out as one of the approaches
to address those problems. The
State, described by Weiss and Hobson (1995) as having the gcoordinating
intelligenceh or coordinating capacity,h can steer, push, cajole, persuade,
entice and at times instruct (the various sectors of society) to go this way
instead of that,[13]
regardless of whether those affected agree or disagree with its decision and
action. Furthermore, as a source of
authority and an apparatus of power, as Hurrell (2006) had said, it can enforce
its own laws, develop non-coercive governance mechanisms,[14]
and ensure that its plans and programs push through no matter what. On numerous
instances, the State has unleashed its legitimate use of force to advance what
it views as for the common good and well-being of the greater majority,
regardless of what it brings to the gminorityh affected by such decision.
One inevitable consequence of urban decongestion is the
displacement of informal settlers that often lead to among others unemployment
and loss of livelihood and income opportunities. While negotiations and
dialogues at times take place between it and the affected groups, it can be said
that the latter were given limited options to choose from: either they move to
the resettlement site or they leave their residence altogether and go elsewhere,
as non-compliance will mean their eviction just the same. While they were not
always dislodged prior to resettlement, they were generally moved either
voluntarily or under compulsion.[15]
This somehow characterized resettlement programs throughout the world: that they
are rarely initiated from within the group involved; that the motivation comes
from the outside, with the external influence (in this case, the State) imposing
its values or impacts on the beneficiaries without really understanding the
internal complexities of such action.[16] Any which way, these people have to move
out and face a rather uncertain future.
Furthermore, while the State attempts
to rationalize its action by harking on the supposed benefits it brings to the
people, it cannot be denied it has many strong ramifications such as loss of
livelihood, loss of land rights or housing, or a loss of social networks.
Impoverishment commonly follows (forced) displacement. Whatever the cause, though, moving from
one place to another is a profound human experience with substantial
consequences for livelihood and rights.[17]
Again, while the State may have valid reasons to decongest the urban areas, it
cannot be denied that it has disturbed the peoplefs very way of life which is
rather unfortunate and is, in fact, contrary to the essence of both good
governance and human security, especially the latter which calls for the
peoplefs protection from sudden and
hurtful disruptions in the patterns of daily life.[18]
The point here remains that, amidst all the sugar-coated rhetoric of some
bureaucrats, they cannot truly hide the fact that their action has tremendously
affected those who were displaced and are resettled.
This being said, it is both just and humane for the State to, after
uprooting them, provide them with the necessary skills, capabilities and
opportunities for livelihood and income that they could use to pursue and live a
life that is similarly just and humane. More often than not, however, the
situation leaves much to be desired. Compounding their woes is the loss of their
erstwhile employment and sources of livelihood and income.
Even the World Bank (WB) in 1990 has clearly underscored that all
resettlement programs must be gdevelopment-oriented,h and that all steps must be
taken to prevent those dislocated from becoming permanently impoverished and
destitute.[19] Furthermore, it said that resettlement
activities should not be limited mainly to cash compensation but rather must
deal with economic, technical, cultural and social-organizational factors in an
integrated manner that can help settlers rebuild a self-sustainable production
base and improve, or at least restore, their former living standard and earning
capacity.[20]
While there are no available data pointing to the actual number of
unemployed among the displaced and resettled people, it can be assumed that they
are either included in or add to the 192.5 million unemployed people throughout
the world, per 2006 estimates by the International Labour Organization or ILO.[21] Truly, unemployment is a phenomenon of
global proportions that no less than the United Nations (UN) and close to 200
countries worldwide had taken cognizance of. In the UN Millennium Development Goals
(MDG), signatory countries underscored the need to provide the people with full
and productive employment and decent work in order to achieve the universal goal
of eradicating poverty and extreme hunger.[22]
Sadly, however, unemployment, being
Herculean as it is, continues to ravage and stare us in the face which is rather
unfortunate, as one of the worst things that can happen to a poor man, perhaps
next to dying in hunger with eyes wide open, is to be out of work as it robs one
of a fair chance to provide essential needs to himself and to his family --
decent food on the table, education, health and other necessities. Suffice it to
say, the lives of their families suffer to a tremendous extent and the situation
(unemployment) does not, in any way, contribute to their and their familiesf
alleviation.
Given with no other
recourse but to leave and move to the relocation or resettlement site provided
them by the State, the affected people have to adapt and adjust to their new
environment and rebuild their own lives in order to survive and match, if not
surpass, the kind of life they have in their former homes. What makes their
struggle more formidable is that many of them became unemployed and have lost
their sources of livelihood and income following their resettlement. More than
its effect on the peoplefs economic situation or condition, unemployment has
more severe repercussions on people and their families, as aptly described by
Amartya Sen (1999), who said that:
unemployment is also a source of
far-reaching debilitating effects on individual freedom, initiative and skills,
contributes to the gsocial exclusionh of some groups, and leads to losses of
self-reliance, self-confidence and psychological and physical health.[23]
THE PHILIPPINE
EXPERIENCE
Whatfs happening elsewhere, mostly in developing countries, is also
happening in the Philippines, being a developing country herself. It is truly a country whose people are
so used to moving out and leaving their places of birth to communities within
the countryfs own borders and/or even outside of it, in order to pursue their
dream or vision for a better life that, to them, may be next to impossible to
achieve in their native lands.
Per figures available from and known to Philippine government officials,
there are approximately eight million Filipinos overseas,[24]
with close to 1.8 million working.[25]
For the Philippine government, this exodus of Filipinos outside of the country,
which began in the early 1970s, served as a conveniently available measure to
ease the countryfs high unemployment and foreign exchange problems.[26]
For the migrants themselves, it is their own way of improving their lives
through their own initiative, effort and sacrifices. While the government has ready and
available figures of Filipinos who live and work abroad, the same cannot be said
for those who move from the rural communities to the to the urban centers of the
country, most especially Metro Manila.
But in a country where 32[27]
out of its 81 provinces have a poverty incidence[28]
among families of 40 percent and above in 2006,[29]
and where 756 out of 1,496 municipalities are categorized as 4th to
6th class,[30]
it may be safe to assume that this alone could serve as an impetus for thousands
of people to, if having enough resources, pounce on the opportunity to move out
of their communities and try their luck in the more urban and progressive parts
of the country.
Indeed, the perceived benefits from and amenities of living in urban
areas and the grim prospects in the more backward rural areas of the country
provide for a very strong pull factor for people to move to the former. In 2005,
for instance, out of the 82.8 million Filipinos, some 51.8 million or 63% of
them lived in 42 capital cities or urban agglomerations, with Metropolitan
Manila being the most densely populated urban area with 10.7 million,[31]
landing the latter among the twenty largest urban areas of the world (see Table
1).[32]
Table
1. The worldfs twenty largest urban areas, ranked by estimated 2000
population
____________________________________________________________________________________
City
Country
Population (millions)
_______________________________________
1990
2000
2015
Source: Based on United Nations (1995) data
Their exodus to Metro Manila has resulted in the emergence and
proliferation of slum communities or squatter settlements where people (informal
settlers) live under squalid, crowded or unsanitary conditions,[33]
and whose houses are located wherever there is space and opportunity.[34] The Philippine government, through
its Housing and Urban Development Coordinating Council (HUDCC), defines slums as
buildings or areas that are deteriorated, hazardous, unsanitary or lacking in
standard conveniences[35]
and, as such, can be said to be generally unfit for people to inhabit. The term
gslumsh itself has no direct equivalent or translation in the local language and
are normally referred to in terms of descriptive words such as iskwater, estero, eskinita, looban
and/or dagat-dagatan.[36] The absence of direct Tagalog equivalent
of the term, though, neither diminishes nor reduces the sorry state that the
informal settlers are into.
Faced with the daunting challenge to address the burgeoning need of the
people and improve the metropolis to make it more livable, clean and attractive
for investment and tourism, the Philippine government had to pursue urban
decongestion by relocating these informal settlers, an effort that has resulted
in the economic displacement of the people affected.
BACKGROUND
OF THE STUDY AND THE PROBLEM AT HAND
Near
the middle of 2000, the Philippine government embarked on a massive resettlement
of squatters and informal settlers in Metro Manila. During this time, the government was
contemplating on improving the mass transportation system, including the
Philippine National Railway Commuter Line (PNRCL), partly to address the
worsening traffic situation in Metro Manila and to revive its somewhat moribund
railway system which connects Manila to the Bicol Region. The move affected
Metrofs informal settlers, including those who live dangerously close to the
railroad tracks or what has now become known as families of Home
Along Da Riles.
The move was in consonance with Philippine President Gloria Macapagal
Arroyofs 10-point development agenda which called for the gdecongestion of Metro
Manila by forming new cores of government and housing centers in Luzon, Visayas
and Mindanao,h[37]
underscoring her governmentfs view that the gprovision of decent and affordable
shelter is an essential requirement towards the alleviation of poverty.h[38] Likewise, this was the governmentfs
response to the growing number of informal settlers or squatter families
nationwide which, per 2005 projection, was placed at 1.408 million. Of this
number, some 726,908 families or fifty-two percent of the total population of
Metro Manila are considered informal settlers,[39]
where among others approximately
14,132
families live along esteros, 11,340
along road right of way, 67,949 along waterways, 14,072 along transmission
lines, 2,821 near airports, and about 16,506 spread in areas of priority
development, dump sites, Metropolitan Waterworks and Sewerage System (MWSS) and
market places.[40]
The National
Housing Authority (NHA), meanwhile, has pegged the number of informal settlers
living along the Southrail alone at 55,632, and this is where the bulk of the
20,000 so-called Home-Along-Da-Riles
families, who were relocated to the province of Laguna which is south of Metro
Manila, came from, particularly the cities of Manila and Makati, two of the more
progressive cities of the metropolis, which served as hosts and homes for these
informal settlers for several years and even decades.
The relocation of these urban informal settlers is not the Philippine
governmentfs first brush with resettlement. In fact, it has a long history of
resettlement, from the Public Land Act of 1903 which had allowed the
distribution of land in the public domain to spontaneous settlers who were ready
to pioneer in virgin areas; the gactive, interventionalisth land settlement
policy of extending land settlement to promote harmony among ethnic groups in
Mindanao among others,[41]
that one would think that it is now more than capable of ironing out major kinks
often associated with relocation, so that disruption in the peoplefs lives would
not be painful, difficult and traumatic.
The government, in trying to appease a rather restless group of railroad
dwellers unsure of the kind of future awaiting them in relocation sites in
provinces like Laguna, Cavite and Bulacan, among others vowed to provide them
with several things, among them the opportunity to own their own house, as well
as provision of a P100,000 (US$2,000) loan per family for house construction,
livelihood opportunities at the site, access to credit and jobs in the nearby
areas.
Map
1. Laguna LGUs where PNR Live Lines residents were
relocated
this study), 3,292 to Southville 4 in Sta. Rosa
City and 3,423 to Southville 5 A/B in Binan. These families live in what the
government labels as PNR live lines (see
Map 1).[42]
On the other hand, of those families living in the so-called PNR Non-Core
Property, 1,636 have been relocated to Alaminos, 450 to Los Banos, 1,512 to Bay,
802 to Calauan, 907 to Nagcarlan, 914 to Magdalena, 1,418 to Sta. Cruz, and 770
to Pagsanjan (see Map 2, in yellow
shade).
The transfer of these families undoubtedly resulted in their human insecurity as they experienced
economic displacement as the places where they were moved were quite distant
from their previous places of work and sources of livelihood and income and,
thus, negatively impacted on the lives of family members, some of whom have been
forced to drop out of school and suffer hunger and hardship among others. While some may have positively viewed
their transfer as it afforded them the opportunity to own their own houses and
lots, many have still expressed apprehension about the future that awaits them
in the resettlement sites, and later on have, in fact, been correct in their
prediction. Indeed, house ownership
is one thing and survival another. A decent roof over onefs head may prove
insignificant if one cannot sustain the daily living of his/her family. Suffice
it to say, some – if not many – of those who have jobs and sources of livelihood
prior to their relocation and displacement, became jobless and their number,
while still undocumented, undeniably add up to the countryfs overall
unemployment figure which, at the moment, is pegged at 4.25 million Filipinos.
In a country where 33 out of 100
Filipinos live in poverty,[43]
such figure is both very significant and alarming since it may lead to the
exacerbation of poverty in the Philippines.
This situation raises two very important questions: One, why do these people have to suffer
in the name of and in the Statefs pursuance of development? It is quite
saddening to realize that when the government undertakes decongestion program,
its recipients suddenly turn to victims who are displaced and are left to trek
unchartered territories, with their future uncertain. Todaro and Smith reminded
everyone – States and governments, most especially – that development, as the
sustained elevation of an entire society and social system toward a gbetterh or
gmore humaneh life,[44]
should possess three core values, namely sustenance or the ability to meet basic
needs; self-esteem or a sense of worth and self respect and of not being used as
a tool by others for their own ends; and human freedom or the emancipation from
alienating material conditions of life and from social servitude and which also
involves an expanded range of choices for societies and their members together
with a maximization of external constraints in the pursuit of development.[45]
When people themselves become
victims of development initiatives, it somehow diminishes the wisdom of such
programs. When people are displaced, they lose their own sense of worth and
self-respect as they cannot meet and provide even the most basic of needs to
themselves and their own families.
This is greatly compounded when the government does not (or did not)
provide them with adequate options to choose from.
This brings to the fore the second question: does not common good also apply to these
very people? Common good, as the ultimate goal of the State, requires an
acceptance of the individualfs basic rights in society, specifically the right
to freely chart his future. But
more often than not, in the pursuit of development, the rights of those affected
are greatly overlooked, if not completely ignored. The point being driven here
is that development should not compromise the welfare of the people. Neither
should it lead to the suffering of some. Sadly, most of the informal settlers of
Metro Manila who were affected by the gdevelopmenth programh suffered, brought
mainly by unemployment following their relocation.
EFFECTS OF
UNEMPLOYMENT
One of the
undesirable outcomes of relocation is the displacement and unemployment of
beneficiaries and their families. Hence, the government should have taken
concrete steps to mitigate or, much better, ensure that their displacement or
relocation would not have led to unemployment and, consequently, their hardship
and poverty.
As much as relocation provides for a traumatic experience which
precipitates stress and increased hardship among beneficiaries or targeted
groups,[46]
unemployment that follows their movement similarly provides enormous stress and
hardship to individuals and families.
While families and individual family members vary in the extent of which
they experience stress or are otherwise affected by the hardships which occur
due to the unemployment of the familyfs primary breadwinner,[47]
the marks that it leaves on them takes enormous time to heal, if it heals at
all. This is because unemployment
results in loss or lack of income that seriously affects and alters their and
their familyfs lives. Furthermore, the link between poverty and unemployment is
well-recognized and -documented, with the example of Australia in 1996-1997
showing this glaring relationship and saddening reality:
Among households with one adult aged
25-55 years, if the adult worked at least part time, 8.9 percent of households
were in poverty; if the adult was unemployed, 52.2 percent of households were in
poverty;
Among households with two adults aged
25-55 years, if at least one adult worked at least part time, 8.8 percent of
households were in poverty; if neither adult was employed, 43.2 percent of
households were in poverty.[48]
Again, unemployment scars individuals, marking them for a future of
constrained labour market opportunities and reduced chances of finding
employment, with its psychological impact persisting beyond the specific period
of unemployment.[49] This, Sen has seconded, saying that it
causes psychological harm, loss of work motivation, skill and self-confidence,
increase in ailments and morbidity, disruption of family relations and social
life and hardening of social exclusion.[50] Ensuring the employment and the
availability of livelihood and income opportunities for relocatees should
therefore also be of great concern for government policy makers, planners and
program/project implementers.
The situation painted in the previous pages exactly describes the
predicament most of the former railroad dwellers of Metro Manila, including the
informants in this research, face and continue to confront following their
relocation to Southville 1. It has been said that when peoples are forced to
migrate and relocate their well established communities, the immediate result is
a period of upheaval in economic and social routines which can be expected to
last for approximately five years, before they are sufficiently reestablished in
their new areas to see themselves as settled communities.[51] Given with no choice but to swallow the
pill offered them by the government, which is relocation, it is therefore timely
and important to examine their life in the relocation site – how they handled
the transition they went through and continue to go through; how they,
themselves, mitigate the harsh impact of displacement on their lives as well as
how they adapt or adjust to their new community/environment, in the hope of
bringing into fore their real situation and to later on help in efforts to
alleviate their plight.
Research
Paradigm
This paradigm attempts to detail the factors that could help explain how
the informants go through with their transition and adaptation or adjustment in
living to the relocation site provided them by the government:
Given
with not enough choice but to relocate, resettle and face a rather uncertain
future in the relocation site provided them by the government, these people had
no other recourse but to endure and survive the transition from their old place
to the new one; and employ some adaptive strategies in order to survive, restore
the previous lives they had or improve it in a new environment and
setting.
Meleis (1986) defines transitions as periods in which change takes place
in an individual or an environment and which possess certain commonalities. They
are characterized by a disconnection from previous social connections and
supports, absence of familiar reference points (objects or persons), the
appearance of new needs and/or the inability to meet old needs in accustomed
ways, and incongruence between former sets of expectations and those that
TRANSITION Urban
¨ Suburban ADJUSTMENT
&
ADAPTATION Support
Services Infrastructure
Facilities Community
Acceptance &
Integration Employment
& Livelihood Facilities &
Opportunities Social
Support & Networks (Collective) Personal
Motivation, Capabilities & Qualification
(Individual) Government
Presence Coping
Mechanism/
Strategies RELOCATEES
&
FAMILIES Loss
of Employment & Livelihood (Inability
to address basic
needs) Loss
of Previous Familiar Support System ABILITY
TO COPE &
SURVIVE
prevail in the new
situation.[52] Being in a community for a long time and
living with people we are all familiar with offer individuals with among others
security, acquaintances and connections, and a sudden change, whether chosen or
forced, can cause uncertainty, suffering and disempowerment. This is also a time
when individuals and their families become vulnerable, owing to their
unfamiliarity with the new environment and the uncertainty of life there in
general.
In this particular
research, transition means the process or the path the informants took or take
in order to bridge their uprooting from their old place and their transfer to
their new community. This could
mean enduring some hardship while trying to gfeelh their way in their new
community and mitigating the impact of their transfer and the loss of whatever
they have prior to their transfer in order to stabilize their lives.
On the other hand, adaptive strategy, as defined by Moran (2000), is the
conscious or unconscious, explicit or
implicit plans of action carried out by a population in response to either
external or internal conditions.[53]
Human adaptability, in his words, underscores the plasticity of human response
to any environment where people live or find themselves into, and its study
focuses on how population interact with each other and their environment with
the end in view of accommodating themselves to specific (environmental)
problems.[54]
Usually, adaptation processes involve the interdependence of agents through
their relationships with each other, with the institutions in which they reside,
and with the resource base on which they depend.[55]
These definitions point to the need for the relocatees to rely on
themselves, tap their neighbors and, to some extent, the government and other
institutions in order to hasten their adjustment to the environment where they
are made to live.
While the term or concept (human adaptability) is used to study or
describe how populations or peoples inure or adjust themselves to wider global
environmental upheavals such as global warming or climate change and other
ecological concerns, this seems applicable to the current study as the latter
attempts to bare the strategies or tacks people use when placed or situated in
an environment entirely different from the ones they lived before. Given this,
they have to either alter their way of life or innovate and develop new forms of
adjustments – or both – in order to have a better chance of surviving and
living.
When applied to this particular study, both transition and adaptation
deal basically with how the informants make themselves used to living in a new
environment and community, and how they deal with – and how they interact with
or utilize such -- forces within and outside to cushion the impact of relocation
and hasten their adjustment or adaptation to their new residence. It should be helpful to remember that
the displacement and relocation of these informants have resulted in their loss
of employment and livelihood as well as the previous support systems or networks
that they have in their previous communities.
However, several factors may be deemed crucial in their transition and
adaptation to their new community.
For example, transition may depend on the presence, availability and
adequacy of the following, namely support services, infrastructure and
facilities (such as schools, hospitals, markets, etc), employment and livelihood
opportunities; and community acceptance (which include the views or
receptiveness of the old-time residents of the town towards them and the local
government unit (LGU) which hosts their community). The same goes true with their adaptation
and adjustment to the community that the absence, presence, shortage or adequacy
of some factors will either improve the residentsf plight or further push them
down to hardship. In both
transition and adaptation, though, the residentsf personal motivation,
capabilities and qualifications; the gpresenceh of government and the
availability or continuation of social support and networks would greatly spell
the difference in the way they cope, survive and possibly improve their
lives.
In this researcherfs view, at least three factors remain constant and
pose a strong influence on how individuals undergo with their transition and
adaptation to their new environment.
These are the individualfs personal motivations, capabilities and
qualifications; social networks, and the government.
The first refers to the respondentsf resolve and determination to improve
their lives with the use of whatever skills and capabilities – including their
own survival instincts – they possess and the scanning of the environment or
community they are made to move into as well as its surroundings, to soften the
impact of their relocation and hasten their adaptation to the latter. Their personal motivation to change or
succeed is very crucial in making them overcome the hardships and challenges
that often entail relocation, although this will greatly depend too on their own
skills and capabilities, and the external support or help they can get from the
social networks they have and the government which brought them there in the
first place.
The social networks refer to friends and relatives that they have and
formal or informal organizations where they belong to whether in their erstwhile
residences or living in with or operating in the new community, as these can
offer them both emotional and non-emotional support. This (social network) is
part of what is known as social capital, which serves as a source of social
control, family-mediated benefits and resources mediated by non-family networks,
with the latter usage exemplified by personal connections that facilitate access
to jobs, market tips, or loans.[56]
Indeed, onefs neighbors matter in defining onefs opportunities and constraints,
and individuals not considered isolated entities but rather as part of networks
of friends, relatives, neighbours, colleagues that jointly provide cultural
norms, economic opportunities, information flows, social sanctions and so on.[57]
While often derided for being absent most of the time, the government is
also crucial in the peoplefs transition and adaptation, as it has the resources
and manpower that can help them cope and overcome. This is not to say the people cannot
make it on its own without the government. But since the government is there and
exists using peoplefs hard-earned money, perhaps it is not unfair – although
maybe futile at times -- to demand something from it. Furthermore, since it has uprooted these
people and shoved them away from their employment and/or sources of income, the
government cannot avoid its moral responsibility to assist in rebuilding and
improving their lives.
Hypothesis
The ease in transition and adaptation of the unemployed former railroad
dwellers to their new community hinges on both internal (personal) and external
(social networks/groups, government) factors.
Statement of the
Problem
This study aims to examine the
transition of the relocated former railroad dwellers from their previous
residences in Metro Manila to the new resettlement site and the strategies they
employ in their adaptation to their new environment, given the absence or lack
of adequate choice or alternatives provided them by the
government.
Specifically, the study will attempt to provide answers to the following
questions:
1. How did the informants handle the
transition process? What hardships
or challenges did they face or experience following their transfer to the
relocation site? Which proved to be more difficult a transition and adaptation –
the first time they moved to Metro Manila by their own choice or this
resettlement when it was the government or the State which decided for
them?
2. What gains did they achieve – if any
-- following their transfer to Southville 1 and how do they utilize them to
adjust to their new environment and cope with their predicament? What did they
lose – if any -- and how these were mitigated by them or by external agents?
3. How do they view their situation
vis-à-vis that of their neighbors and what is the impact of being with them on
their own efforts to improve their life?
What are the deterrents to their own adjustment and their having a better
life?
4. What are the factors – and how – do
they stall the informantsf smooth transition and adaptation to their new
community?
5. What are the factors -- and how -- can
these help hasten their transition, cope up with their situation and,
eventually, contribute to the achievement of their human security?
THE TOWN AND THE RELOCATION SITE:
Getting a Feel of the Research Site
According to Baldassare (1992), suburban communities are municipalities
and places in metropolitan areas outside of the political boundaries of the
large central cities whose economic activities and businesses are mainly in
manufacturing and services, rather than in agriculture.[58] Given such definition, Cabuyao, Laguna,
where Southville I is situated, perfectly fits the bill. The town is some forty (40) to fifty
(50) kilometers away from the countryfs capital and boasts of
Southville 1 Subdivision: What It
Is
Southville 1 is a 55 hectare relocation site made available through the
initiative of the national government, with the Housing and Urban development
Coordinating Committee (HUDCC), Housing and Land Use Regulatory Board (HLURB),
NHA and PNR leading the way. Lots given to the beneficiaries measure 42 square
meters each, while those occupying the so-called corner lots have bigger slices
of lot. Recipients or beneficiaries
of these lots need to pay Php 200.00 (roughly Y600) every month for the next 30
years to have the titles transferred to their names. Of the amount, Php 150.00
goes as payment for the lot and the remaining Php 50.00 for the so-called
Housing Materials Construction Loan (HMCL). An initial loan of Php 25,000.00
(Y70,000) is released by the government to each beneficiary to commence the
construction of their houses. Government authorities then inspect these
structures to find out whether occupants and/or owners have complied with the
specifications set forth, before the final tranche of Php 25,000.00 (Y70,000) is
released to complete the construction of their houses.
A health center regularly manned by a doctor operates in the area, along
with a day care center. Likewise, a
four-storey, twelve (12) room school was constructed and currently operates to
cater to the educational needs of the children.
Why Southville 1 as the Research
Site
First,
Southville 1, being close to the researcher place of residence, is very
accessible and convenient to visit anytime. On the practical side, its proximity
saved the researcher enormous amount of money and energy when compared to doing
a similar research in another province, city or municipality in the
Philippines. He need not go far to
observe the lives of relocatees as those who live in Southville 1 could possibly
provide a picture of what life is in relocation sites and how the resettled
people go through with their lives.
The situation in the other resettlement sites may be better or worse but
the point is that, at a certain period, residents had to go through a stage of
transition, adjust their lives and adapt to their new environment as it is a
given or a natural when persons move from one place to another.
Second, residents of Southville 1 are victims of seeming discrimination
by some residents of the community and the provincial government of Laguna, a
factor that perhaps, could have made their transition and settlement in
Southville 1 truly more difficult. Being a glong timeh resident of Sta. Rosa
City which is but a few kilometers away from Cabuyao, this researcher has heard
of several stories about the surge in peace and problem problems such as
pickpockets, burglary, illegal drugs and even prostitution, following the
establishment of the said resettlement site. The Laguna Provincial Police Office
(LPPO) even had records showing that Sta. Rosa, Binan and Cabuyao itself as the
localities with the highest crime incidents in the entire province (and these
localities are really close to each other). However, this may just be part of
the larger communityfs show or manifestation of displeasure to the governmentfs
decision to make Southville 1 a home to informal settlers of Metro Manila and
the negative perception they have about the latter. While some positive attitudes and
perceptions linger about squatter settlements, such as the resourcefulness of
the inhabitants as they provide themselves with at least some shelter using
minimal inputs available,[59]
many negative perceptions still prevail and abound about such settlements, among
them their being havens for criminals and racketeers that impede the orderly
development of the community, even as they promote juvenile delinquency that
threaten the communityfs overall economic, social and political stability.[60]
This seeming discrimination, sadly, extends to the provincial government
of Laguna which has labeled the squatters gnuisanceh who are detrimental to the
situation of the province and whose presence did not redound to the overall
benefit of community development.[61] Aside from this official resolution from
the local government, a veteran politician and provincial board member, whom
this researcher had interviewed but who asked that he remained anonymous, blamed
pointblank the existence of the resettlement site – and the residents -- as the
direct cause of the decline in the value of lands and properties in areas close
to and around the site, and described the relocation as a direct insult to the
province and people of Laguna. The
provincial government may have its own reasons for believing so, but negatively
generalizing and unfairly lumping together these people to a particular corner
are indeed cruel and saddening, especially if coming from government officials
themselves and maybe contributory to the lack of ample available opportunities
for most of its residents to improve their lives.
SIGNIFICANCE OF THE
STUDY
This modest attempt at looking into
the lives of the unemployed former railroad dwellers of Metro Manila and their
families living in a relocation site provided them by the Philippine government
brings to the fore the struggles and the hardships that they live and go through
since their transfer to Southville 1, as well as the strategies they apply and
utilize in order to endure and overcome their situation. The depiction of their daily lives thus
provides for a wealthy source of information that can be used to inspire their
kind and those who, while not living in a relocation site, continue to
experience and sail in an ocean of hardship and poverty in the Philippines, and
thus use their examples as springboards to alleviate their own lives and improve
their situation, and for various sectors and segments of the Philippine society
to re-examine their views and actions towards these people and, hopefully,
rectify them so as to contribute to their speedy transformation and
development. Specifically, the
following are expected – or hoped – to enormously benefit from this
research:
The Residents of Southville 1, Informal Settlers and the Urban
Poor:
By looking at the experiences that the informants shared to this researcher,
which probably mirror the very lives that majority, if not all, of the residents
of Southville 1, the latter can utilize the positives or strengths that the
former possess to improve their lives and, at the same time, discard the
weaknesses of and/or threats that stall their own improvement. As an example,
the residents can perhaps organize themselves into support groups that can
provide moral, emotional and instrumental support among themselves and for each
other that would empower them to mitigate the impact of their daily hardship and
actually help them change and/or improve their very lives – through their own
efforts. Admit it or not, the
government is not – and will not always be -- on their side, beck and call to
provide the things basic and necessary for their daily survival and
alleviation. Hence, some
initiatives should come from them and their kind in order to overcome their
plight. In that way, unfair accusations of over-dependence on the government
will be quashed, and the chances for a better life may be a lot stronger. It is by looking at their own selves –
what they are capable of doing, what they ought to do and not do -- and not by
solely looking somewhere else or to the government, that real changes in their
lives and condition can take place.
The Philippine government, its policy makers and
officials: Findings could help rouse the
Philippine government to re-think its programs on urban decongestion and
resettlement, or expand its view of the program to include the provision of
adequate safety nets or programs and projects that would benefit the people
affected, in order to mitigate the impact of relocation especially economic, on
the lives of these people. Accept
it or not, the oversight or lapse committed by the government is the culprit –
or among the culprits – on why these people suffer or experience hardship in the
relocation sites. Relocation, after all, is not just about uprooting and moving
people away from sites of development programs and projects, but more
importantly, about ensuring that the beneficiaries do not fall into hardships.
In this sense, the government, its policy makers and implementers, can begin to
look at how they can provide follow-through or supplemental programs and
projects that would prove beneficial and helpful to the relocatees and their
families. Furthermore, the
situation of these people as exposed and highlighted in this research can pave
the way for the national and local governments to similarly re-think their
partnership or relations on how they can ensure that the needs of these people
are properly and adequately addressed.
In this way, we can see a situation where the national and local
governments are moving in sync for the alleviation of the lives of resettlement
program beneficiaries.
International and Local Non-Government Organizations (NGOs) and
Institutions: As this research mirrors or provides a
microcosm of the situation in the relocation site and the predicament of the
relocatees, foreign and local institutions and NGOs can take a closer and
clearer look at how these people really live, then fine tune or re-adjust their
existing or formulate altogether new assistance programs and packages in order
to ensure that they really fit into and/or address the predicament of these
people, zeroing in on how they can truly alleviate their plight and, eventually,
empower them and make them capable of seeking and working for their own progress
and development.
DATA OBTAINED DURING THE
FIELDWORK
Interview with the Respondents:
During the
fieldwork done during the Summer Semester Break in the relocation site, thirty
(30) unemployed residents were selected and subsequently interviewed in-depth
with the questions revolving mainly on the following things or subjects: Their decision to move or transfer to
Metro Manila from their native provinces; their view or perception of their
situation in the relocation site; the problems they experienced or still
experiencing following their transfer from the railroad tracks of Metro Manila
to Southville Subdivision; their expectation of both the national and local
governments as far as the latterfs ability to alleviate and/or improve their
situation/plight; their description of both institutionsf performance with
regards to delivering basic services to them; their perception on whether these
institutions hold the answer or solution to their problems; how they
(informants) address their daily and basic needs considering their condition;
and the needs or activities that they sacrifice or forego in order to
survive.
Likewise, the respondents were
asked about their view of or perception on the following, namely their view of
their neighbors and government; their own efforts to overcome their plight; and
the importance of information in easing their predicament and their expectation
in the future.
Respondentsf Brief
Profile
Of
the thirty respondents, majority are male, married and are high school
graduates. Moreover, the
informantsf family size range from three to ten members, with majority of them
having five family members or more. Furthermore, majority of them are unemployed
in the last 4 years, with three unemployed in the past 6 to 8 years, have lived
near the railroad tracks for 2 to 30 years prior to their relocation to
Southville, and they came mostly from provinces which are considered the poorest
provinces in the Philippines.
Three profiles derived from the respondents proved to be very critical
and important to this current study: one, that majority of them came from the 20
poorest provinces of the Philippines, indicating a pattern that is reflective of
the very weak, ineffective and inefficient governance in the community where
they came from and the lack of enough employment or livelihood opportunities in
there, which had prompted them to try their luck elsewhere or in Metro Manila
(prior to their relocation); second, that majority of them became unemployed in
the past four years, which could point to the seeming failure of the
resettlement program, as these informants have lost their source of income or
livelihood or became unemployed following their transfer to the said relocation
site – a breakdown in the policy and program implementation of the national
government in terms of providing the appropriate safety nets to the program
beneficiaries, and the inability of the host local government to attend to their
needs or making sure of substantial employment or livelihood opportunities for
the new residents or relocatees.
HOW THE INFORMANTS LIVE
In order to understand how the
selected informants live and try to make ends meet, so to speak, in the
relocation site, they were asked the amount of money they earn or gain monthly
before and after being relocated to Southville. Below are a graph and pie charts showing
their monthly earning and how they budget the money for their family.
How they
budget
Below is the breakdown
of how the informants spend their meager money every month. What is noticeable is that a great chunk
of their income goes to repaying debts and loans obtained from neighbors,
friends and relatives that they try very hard to pay every month in order not to
lose the latterfs trust, thus, would still give them loans and debts the
following month/s.
Informant with P1,500 (Y3,488) monthly
income
P500.00 –
loans/debts
P300.00 – electricity
P200.00 –
education
P200.00 –
food
P100.00 –
transportation
P50.00 – medicine for sick
family
members
P50.00 – R and R
(cigarette, etc.)
P100.00 –
food
P200.00 –
loans/debts
P100.00 –
electricity
P50.00 –
transportation
P50 – medicine for sick
family members
What was rather striking is
that most of the informants never included in their budget the P200.00 or Y500
they are supposed to pay every month for their housing amortization. While they seem to be very meticulous in
paying the debts they obtained from friends, relatives and neighbors, the same
cannot be said when it comes to paying the government for the house where they
live. Can this be considered a form
of protest to make the government feel or realize the hardship they experience
in the government-established relocation site?
The figures presented manifest a rather saddening development indicating
perhaps the failure of the national government and the host local government to
provide ample safety nets to the program recipients and strongly conflicts with
the basic tenet of good governance and human security for that matter which
states that people should be protected at all times from gsudden and hurtful
disruptions in the patterns of basic life.h Obviously, the relocation of these
people to Southville had disrupted their patterns of basic life as it kept them
away from their previous places of work, thus, lost their job that eventually
reduced their monthly income or erased it altogether.
How the Informants
Live
In
order to survive, the informants seek loans/debt from friends, relatives and
neighbors which they try to repay within three months. Likewise, they take on odd jobs that do
not provide them with fixed income on a monthly basis, then save a portion of
whatever they have earned during the month. One of the odd jobs they take on is
the peeling of garlic and onion – five kilos per family at Y50 per kilo or Y250
a day. While this somehow helps
them survive, it has some effects on their health like darkened skin and some
difficulty in breathing as garlic emits a rather strong odor that the people
themselves find to be unpleasant.
During times when they do not have odd jobs, they are forced to pawn or
sell whatever valuable and gsaleableh items in their possession, even as they
also try their luck in games of chance (lotto).
What the Informants Forego to
Survive
Top three things/activities they forego: going to hospital when sick, eating three
times a day and the education of family members. The third activity (education of family
members or sending children to school) is something that the poor are always
criticized for – that they do not engage in human capital, or the cumulative
result of investment or expenditure that increases the future earning capacity
of individuals. But who
can blame these people, when, they cannot even make sure that they can eat three
square meals a day?
Interpersonal Relations with Friends
and Relatives
Majority described their relations
with neighbors, friends and relatives to be good, that they trust them and are
willing to extend whatever help they can, as helping others is better than being
the ones helped. They are gon the
same boath as their neighbors, prompting them to strive to become better than
them. With regards to whether they
feel deprived or sorrier than their neighbors, some of my informants said that
at times they feel relatively deprived, especially when they see their neighbors
who came from Makati City receiving bags of rice and canned goods from the
Makati City government every month and during Christmas.
During the interview, the researcher asked the informants on how they
determine whether their life is better than their neighbors and, based on their
response, developed some sort of a criteria used along that line in a ranking
order:
1. Monthly income
2. Food
3.
Number of friends willing to
help
4. Money saved
5. Healthy family
members
6. No. of children going to
school
While money or the amount of money one
has sits on top of the criteria, it is important to note that the respondents
consider the number of friends willing to help (No. 3) as a yardstick when
ranging onefs situation with others.
This is an acknowledgement that a strong social capital or network is
necessary to both survive in the short run and lift or alleviate their situation
in the future.
Informantsf View of Their Transfer to
the Relocation Site
Most of them said it afforded them to have their own house and lot, but
decried its distance from their previous places of work and the lack of
employment opportunities. Other
dilemmas they face in the site are the lack of adequate health
facilities/establishments and the discrimination they feel from the old-time
residents of the municipality.
Their View of
Government
Majority still believe the government
adequately provides them with what they need, although some have scored the government for not doing
enough. They also said government should
provide them employment and to make their environment/community conducive to
growth.
Instances wherein they felt the
presence and support of the government - providing them shelter, medical and health missions, cheap
NFA rice sold to them and financial assistance when someone from the family was
hospitalized.
They said there are concerns that they themselves should address personally like: lack of skills, education and health,
while government should address these:
lack of employment opportunities, skyrocketing cost of prime commodities, peace
and order and the negative impression on relocatees.
Importance of Information in
Overcoming Their Plight
Most of them believe an effective information program by the national and
local governments is important, esp. in finding jobs. Most of the time,
they rely on information they get from their own neighbors.
However, the sheer number of unemployed people
prevents or blocks a freer or smoother flow of gword of mouthh
information.
SOME OBSERVATIONS FROM THE
DATA/INFORMATION OBTAINED
Following the data and information I have gathered from the respondents,
I formulated a framework or a diagram which shows how the informants manage to
live and survive in spite of their situation.
SURVIVAL
OF
INFORMANTSS Own
Actions/
Capabilities E M P OW E R M E N T Appropriate
Government Response to their Plight E M P O W E R M E N T Strong
Social
Network/Capital
This
framework shows that the survival of the informants and their families – as I
see it -- depend on three factors, namely themselves (their own action and
capabilities), their strong social network or social capital inside and outside
the community where they live and the government and its response to their
situation. Hopefully, these factors would have helped or could help these people
survive and live a more decent and dignified life. The strong social network or social
capital is present and is helping these people cope up with their situation by
way of obtaining loans and getting non-cash or –monetary help from their
neighbors and friends, like getting some information on sources of livelihood or
even part-time jobs. Likewise, the
informants strive on their own, relying on whatever limited capabilities they
have to earn money to feed their families, even as they believe that their own
survival is something that the government alone cannot do.
Sadly, however, the third factor seemed absent or inadequate (the
government). In a situation where
the people are poor and un-empowered, government should try to make its plans,
programs and project appropriate and suitable to their needs. Otherwise, they may find it truly
difficult to get out of the rut.
This should not be viewed as the informantsf plain dependence. I rather look at it as the prevalence of
paternalism among them or the belief that the government should be of help to
them, whether directly or indirectly.
And why not? It exists in
the first place and, hence, should make it work for the people and to justify
its very existence. We may ignore
or overlook its existence, but one cannot deny the fact that it exists just the
same – although I concede that it is absent or invisible most of the
time.
However, it would be more ideal if survival (middle box) would be
replaced by improved or enhanced quality of life, as this would signify that the
informants through the help of themselves, the government and the social network
they have established with their neighbors, friends and relatives. In this day
and age, survival should not be the benchmark of how people live, for this
signifies being with the impoverished or the marginalized sector of society
deprived of the basic things in life.
Instead, quality of life or the state or condition wherein the people can
utilize or maximize their full potential and receive quality basic services due
them from the government should be aspired for by the government for its people
and by the people for themselves, with the aid of both the government and their
strong social network.
SOME READINGS MADE RELATED TO THE
RESEARCH
Before and during the fieldwork, several books and literatures were read
by the researcher in order to equip him with the necessary idea and information
pertaining to the questions he should ask to the informants and, more
importantly, enlighten him insofar as the direction the research is going to
take. Among the books and
literatures he read are the following (including some of their parts that have
direct relevance to this paper):
1. Internal Migration and
Development in Vietnam
Anh Dang, Sidney Goldstein, James McNally
International Migration Review, Vol. 31, No. 2 (Summer, 1997), pp.
312-337
The Center for Migration Studies of New York,
Inc.
Population mobility is of increasing importance not only because it is
the major cause of interregional variations in population growth, but also
because of its influential role in social and economic change in the affected
areas. (p.312)
Economic development (theory) has provided a major framework of migration
for explaining labor migration (Massey et al., 1993:433). The income/wage differentials between
origin and destination are generally seen as the main motive for migration. (It assumes that) economic rationality
leads people to choose to migrate to where they can be most productive, given
their abilities. They want to
maximize the returns of migration by relocating to a place that they expect
offers higher positive net return (Sjaastad, 1962; Harris and Todaro, 1970;
Todaro, 1976). In many cases, the
locus of the migration decision lies with the household rather than with
individual members (Trager, 1988). (page
313)
Prevailing conditions in land shortage, education opportunities, health
care, and recreational facilities can all enter into decisions to migrate or not
to migrate. (page
314)
Like Thailand, the government in the Philippines has been most concerned
with the problem of
overurbanization, especially in the Manila metropolis. Yet, the urban bias in investment strategies makes
the big cities most attractive and encourages rural
outmigration. Indirect
measures were instituted to
draw migrants to secondary urban centers outside Manila and to newly established
industrial estates in various parts of the
country in an endeavor to ameliorate regional disparities. However, these efforts tended to
trigger more mass movements as a result of increasing contacts between
more- and less-developed areas (Perez, 1985). (p. 314)
2. Suburban
Communities
Mark Baldassare
Annual Review of Sociology, Vol. 18 (1992), pp.
475-494
Annual Reviews
Suburban communitiescare the municipalities and places in metropolitan
areas outside of the
political boundaries of the large central cities. Suburban communities differ from
central cities in the
presence of sprawling, low density land use, the absence of a
central, downtown district, and the
existence of a politically fragmented
local government. They
differ from rural areas in that the economic activities
of suburban
residents and businesses are primarily in manufacturing and services, rather
than in agriculture. (476)
Their presumed benefits included urban decongestion, lower residential
densities,
greater
separation from the cityfs business district and, importantly, home ownership. These early suburbs
became the publicfs ideal for future suburban
developments. They also were seen as desirable solutions
to emerging urban problems. (477)
Tiebout (1956) argues that residents move to areas whose local
governments
satisfy their
preferences for public goods.
In a suburban region, residents select
among the multitude of
municipalities the one which offers them the best services. (478)
3. Development as
Freedom
Amartya Sen
Unemploymentcis a source of far-reaching debilitating effects on
individual freedom, initiative and skills.
It contributes to the gsocial exclusionh of some groups, and it leads to
losses of self-reliance, self-confidence and psychological and physical health.h
4. Coping:
The Ethic of Self-Reliance
Paul
Sniderman, Richard Brody
Paternalism insists on the responsibility of the government to provide
for the needycassist those hit by unemploymentcmake sure that more people do not
lose their jobs and that all who want to work can find a job at a fair wage.
5. Social Comparison, Social Justice
and Relative Deprivation
Edited by Masters and
Smith
While Relative Deprivation theories are predicated on individuals
perceiving they have less of something than someone else who is similar to them
in many respectcit may have other results like the emergence of
gachievement-oriented behaviors designed to reduce differences in outcomes or in
resignation and apathy.h
6. Social Interaction, Local Spillovers and
Unemployment
Georgio Topa
Friends, relatives and neighbors (informal channels) matter a lot in the
unemployed finding jobs.
[1] William B.
Wood. Forced Migration: Local Conflicts and International Dilemmas, Annals of
the Association of American Geographers, Vol. 84, No. 4, Taylor & Francis,
Ltd. on behalf of the Association of American Geographers, p.
607
[2]
International Organization for Migration website http://www.iom.int/jahia/jsp/index.jsp,
retrieved December 12, 2008
[3] 2006
Revision of World Population Prospects, cited in World Migration 2008: Managing
Labour Mobility in the Evolving Global Economy, 2008, page
36
[4] UN DESA,
2005, cited in World Migration 2008: Managing Labour Mobility in the Evolving
Global Economy, 2008, page 439
[5] Wood, p.
607
[6]
Brockerhoff and Brennan (1998), cited in Gordon F. De Jong, Aphichat
Chamratrithirong and Quynh-Giang Tran For Better, for Worse: Life Satisfaction
Consequences of Migration, International Migration Review, Vol. 36, No. 3, The
Center for Migration Studies of New York, Inc. 2002, p. 839
[7]M.P. Todaro
and S. C. Smith, Economic Development 9th edition, Pearson Addison
Wesley, Pearson Education, Ltd., England, p. 339
[8] Alan
Gilbert, Josef Gugler Cities, Poverty and Development: Urbanization in the Third
World (2nd ed.), Oxford University Press, New York, 1992, p.
63
[9] Douglas S.
Massey Social Structure, Household Strategies, and the Cumulative Causation of
Migration, Population Index, Vol. 56, No. 1, Office of Population Research,
1990, p. 3
[10] Charles
Abrams, as cited by S. Robert Aiken Squatters and Squatter Settlements in Kuala
Lumpur, Geographical Review, American Geographical Society, Vol. 71, No. 2,
1981, p. 158
[11] Jenny Robinson, City Futures: New Territories for Development Studies? In Jenny Robinson (ed.) Development and Displacement, Oxford University Press, Inc. in association with The Open University, New York, 2002, p. 151
[12] Aiken, p.
158
[13] Weiss and
Hobson, 1995, cited in Adrian Leftwich, States of Development: On the Primacy of
Politics in Development, Blackwell Publishers Inc., Malden, MA, USA, 2000, p.7
[14] Andrew
Hurrell, The State in Dobson and Eckersley (ed.) Political Theory and Ecological
Challenge, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2006,
p.165
[15] Sutton, Keith.
Populaton Resettlement – Traumatic Upheavals and the Algerian Experience, The
Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 15, No. 2, Cambridge University Press,
1977, p. 280
[16] Sutton, p.
282
[17] Robinson,
p. 3
[18] UNDP, New
Dimensions of Human Security in Human Development Report, 1994, New York: Oxford
University Press, 1990, p. 23
[19] M.Q.
Zaman. Development and Displacement in Bangladesh: Toward a Resettlement Policy,
Asian Survey, Vol. 36, No. 7, University of California Press, 1996, p.
699
[20] Zaman,
p.699
[21]
International Labour Organization. Global Unemployment Remains at Historic
High. East Asian Unemployment Up,
Despite Strong Economic Growth, January 25, 2007. http://www.ilo.org/public/english/region/asro/bangkok/public/releases/yr2007/pr07_02ea.htm
[23] Amartya
Sen. Development as Freedom, New York: Knopf, 1999,
p.21
[24] Arturo D.
Brion. Charting the Course of Migration Through Partnership and Cooperation,
Speech delivered during the UN High Level Dialogue of International Migration
and Development, September 14, 2006, p. 1
[25] Philippine
National Statistics Office. 2007 Survey on Overseas Filipinos http://www.census.gov.ph/data/publications/PIF2008_final.pdf
[26] Brion, p.
2
[27] The top 10
provinces are Tawi-tawi, Zamboanga del Norte, Magindanao, Apayao, Surigao del
Norte, Lanao del Sur, Northern Samar, Masbate, Abra and Miamis
Occidental
[28] Poverty
incidence refers to the proportion of families (or population) with per capita
income less than the per capita poverty threshold to the total number of
families (population)
[29] Philippine
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